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Legacy of Mrinal Sen: Redefined Cinema with Political Narratives and Artistic Experiments

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Mrinal Sen was directing parapsychologist Bimal Chatterjee in Kharij in the early 80s. Bimal Chatterjee already left a mark as an actor in cameo characters in Satyajit Ray’s, Jana AranyaSonar Kella and Joy Baba Felunath

To extract the character of a large-hearted, sympathetic neighbour of protagonists Anjan Dutta and Mamata Shankar, Mrinal Sen insisted Bimal Chatterjee to lower his baritone. The actor obeyed but maintained a natural vocal pitch which pleasantly astonished Sen. He improvised by giving Chatterjee a free hand to perform. The result Chatterjee eclipsed all other adult actors in Kharij which won a special Jury award at the Cannes Film Festival.

Improvisation was Sen’s style of working. Doing this he never compromised with his scripts. Sen improvised with Kali Banerjee in Neel Akasher Niche, Utpal Dutt in Bhuvan Some and of course Naseeruddin Shah in Khandahar. Dipankar Dey was so well modulated by the filmmaker in Akaler Sandhane that the actor could not believe himself he performed so subtly.

Sen understood his limitations in comparison to his more illustrious contemporaries, Satyajit Ray and Ritwik Ghatak. He intelligently concentrated on a leftist-oriented political cinema which made him internationally famous. Visual plays with montages and jump cuts reasoned freeze and close-up shots and using the outdoors as an integral part of the language of cinema were his forte.

Once during a conversation with Shyam Benegal, he pointed out that the essence of storytelling in cinema was letting the camera speak more than dialogues. Quite naturally Sen penned realistic dialogues, few and never larger than life. He patterned his scripts in line with happenings he believed in. There were no leftist overdoses in his movies.

Padatik, starring Simmi Grewal and Dhrtiman Chatterjee is considered by many as Sen’s film. In it, Sen spoke against certain thinking which did not gel with CPM. They criticized Padatik, but the filmmaker in him was undaunted. According to him, no ideology was above criticism and impartial assessment.

Never did Sen work with established stars like Uttam Kumar, Suchitra Sen or Supriya Chowdhury. He always preferred natural actors who fitted his imagination of screenplays and dialogues. However, Sen lamented not working with Chabi Biswas, Pahari Sanyal, Balraj Sahni and Arundhuti Devi. He marvelled at their performances in KanchenjunghaGarm Hawa and Bhogini Nivedita.

With iconic journalist Amita Malik, Sen used to have heated debates. Whenever Amita Malik criticized any of his films, he would ask her the reasons. The fearless Amita Malik used to retort point by point. He admitted those constructive discussions helped him to improve his lacunae. Both shared a deep silent regard for each other. Sen also bestowed a lot of faith on Iqbal Masud, another stalwart of the fourth estate.

Sen shared a very good rapport with senior, contemporary and junior filmmakers. He wrote the script of Ajay Kar’s, Kanch Kanta Heera, broke into tears viewing Tapan Sinha’s Khaneker Atithi and considered Kaushik Ganguly the most talented new-generation Bengali director after seeing his Shabda. Onlookers were overwhelmed watching his blank face after the sudden demise of Satyajit Ray. It was the same after he bid a tearful farewell to Asit Sen and Tapan Sinha.

His wife Geeta Sen was his main source of inspiration. An excellent actress, Geeta never considered Sen a genius. When Sen spoke about his favourite Hollywood films How Green Was My Valley and My Fair Lady, Geeta reminded him of Gone With Wind and he similarly agreed. Hemanta Mukherjee’s golden voice gave a meaningful touch to the night sequence in Neel Akasher Niche depicting the streets of Kolkata at night. The genius filmmaker confessed he understood death was dangerous after being by the bedside of Ritwik Ghatak before his sad demise. Satyajit Ray was by his side. Indeed Sen’s assessment of death in his own words was the ultimate truth after birth.

पश्चिम एशिया संकट: समस्या के मूल में है यहूदी विस्तारवाद और फिलिस्तीनियों का दमन

त 7 अक्टूबर 2023 को हमास द्वारा इजराइल के कुछ ठिकानों पर हमले और करीब 200 यहूदियों को बंधक बना लिए जाने के बाद से इजराइल फिलिस्तीन पर हमले कर रहा है। दोनों ही हमलों की निष्ठुरता को शब्दों में बयान नहीं किया जा सकता। ऐसे हमलों में सबसे ज्यादा नुकसान हिंसा का शिकार होने वालों का होता है – चाहे वे सैनिक हों या नागरिक। अमेरिका, ब्रिटेन और फ्रांस समेत कई प्रमुख पश्चिमी देशों ने इजरायल के साथ एकजुटता प्रदर्शित की है। यहाँ तक कि हमास के हमले के कुछ ही घंटों बाद, भारत ने उसका समर्थन कर दिया। प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी को मणिपुर के बारे में मुंह खोलने में कई महीने लग गए। और जब वे बोले भी तब भी घुमा फिरा कर। मगर इजराइल के साथ हमदर्दी जताने में उन्होंने ज़रा भी देरी नहीं की। इस मामले में कई स्तंभकार केवल हमास को कठघरे में खड़ा कर रहे हैं और युद्ध की स्थितियां निर्मित करने के लिए उसे ज़िम्मेदार ठहरा रहे हैं। लेकिन साथ ही यह स्वागतयोग्य है कि इंग्लैंड और अमरीका में इजराइल के खिलाफ कई बड़े प्रदर्शन हुए हैं (हालाँकि मीडिया ने उनकी बहुत कम चर्चा की) और कई यहूदियों ने पश्चिम एशिया में इजराइल की नीतियों की आलोचना की है।

जहाँ तक भारत का सवाल है, पूर्व में इजराइल के मामले में उसकी नीतियां इस मुद्दे पर महात्मा गाँधी के विचारों पर आधारित रहीं हैं। गांधीजी ने 1938 में लिखा था, “फिलिस्तीन उसी तरह से अरब लोगों का है, जिस तरह इंग्लैंड, अंग्रेजों का और फ्रांस, फ्रांसीसियों का है”। उन्होंने यह भी लिखा कि ईसाईयों के हाथों यहूदियों ने प्रताड़ना भोगी है। मगर इसका यह मतलब नहीं है उन्हें मुआवज़ा देने के लिए फिलिस्तीनियों से उनकी ज़मीन छीन ले जाए। यहूदी यूरोप में व्याप्त यहूदी-विरोधवाद के शिकार रहे हैं। यहूदियों के प्रति ईसाईयों के बैरभाव के कई कारणों में से एक यह है कि ऐसा माना जाता है कि ईसा मसीह को सूली पर चढ़ाये जाने के लिए यहूदी ज़िम्मेदार थे। आगे चलकर व्यापारिक होड़ के कारण यह बैर और बढ़ा। यहूदी-विरोधवाद का सबसे क्रूर और सबसे हिंसक पैरोकार था एडोल्फ हिटलर जिसने लाखों यहूदियों को मौत के घाट उतार दिया। अकेले गैस चैंबरों में 60 लाख यहूदी मारे गए। हिटलर द्वारा यहूदियों को हर तरह से प्रताड़ित किया गया।

यूरोप में यहूदियों को कई तरह के भेदभाव का सामना करना पड़ता था। इसी के नतीजे में ज़ोयनिज्म या यहूदीवाद का जन्म हुआ। थियोडोर हर्ट्सज़ल ने ‘द ज्यूइश स्टेट’ शीर्षक से एक पुस्तक लिखी और इस मुद्दे पर स्विट्ज़रलैंड के बाल शहर में कुछ यहूदियों की बैठक हुई। ओल्ड टेस्टामेंट के हवाले से उन्होंने घोषणा की कि फिलिस्तीन की भूमि यहूदियों की है। उनका नारा था, “भूमिविहीन मानवों (यहूदियों) के लिए मानव-विहीन भूमि (फिलिस्तीन)”। जाहिर है कि यह नारा उस भूमि पर 1,000 साल से रह रहे फिलिस्तीनियों के साथ बेरहमी करने का आह्वान था। और ये फिलिस्तीनी केवल मुसलमान नहीं थे। उनमें से 86 फ़ीसदी मुसलमान, 10 फीसदी ईसाई और 4 फीसदी यहूदी थे। बहरहाल एक “ज्यूइश नेशनल फण्ड” स्थापित किया गया और दुनिया भर से यहूदी फिलिस्तीन आकर वहां ज़मीन खरीदने लगे।

शुरुआत में अधिकांश यहूदी भी यहूदीवाद के खिलाफ थे। जो यहूदी फिलस्तीन में बसे, उनसे कहा गया कि वे अपनी ज़मीन न तो किसी अरब को किराये पर दें और न किसी अरब को बेचें। उनका इरादा साफ़ था, धीरे-धीरे फिलिस्तीन पर कब्ज़ा जमाते जाओ। यहूदियों की संख्या बढ़ती गयी। फिर एक अंतर्राष्ट्रीय समझौते के अंतर्गत फिलिस्तीन का शासन इंग्लैंड के हाथ में आ गया और वहां की आतंरिक समस्याएं बढ़ने लगीं। सन 1917 में इंग्लैंड ने बेलफोर घोषणापत्र जारी कर “फिलिस्तीन में यहूदी लोगों के लिए गृहराष्ट्र की स्थापना” का समर्थन किया। इस तरह फिलिस्तीन की समस्या की जड़ में ब्रिटिश उपनिवेशवाद है। महान यहूदी लेखक आर्थर केस्लेर ने बेलफोर घोषणापत्र के बारे में लिखा, “इससे विचित्र दस्तावेज दुनिया ने पहले कभी नहीं देखा था”। अमरीकी-इजराइली इतिहासवेत्ता मार्टिन क्रेमर के अनुसार, “यह दस्तावेज संकीर्ण और तरह-तरह के प्रतिबंधों और रोकों पर आधारित राजनैतिक यहूदीवाद की ओर पहला कदम था”। अरब लोगों ने 1936 के बाद से इस घुसपैठ का प्रतिरोध करना शुरू किया परन्तु उसे ब्रिटेन ने कुचल दिया।

हिटलर द्वारा यहूदियों की प्रताड़ना के चलते द्वितीय विश्वयुद्ध की समाप्ति के बाद, यहूदी और बड़ी संख्या में यहाँ बसने लगे। यह दिलचस्प है कि यूरोप के देशों और अमेरिका ने यहूदियों को उनके देश में बसने के लिए कभी प्रोत्साहित नहीं किया। कुछ वक्त बाद, फिलिस्तीन को दो हिस्सों में बाँट दिया गया – फिलिस्तीन और इजराइल और यह तय हुआ कि यरुशलम और बेथलेहम को अंतरराष्ट्रीय नियंत्रण में रखा जाएगा। ज़मीन का बंटवारा अरब लोगों के हितों के खिलाफ था। लगभग 30 प्रतिशत यहूदियों जो सात प्रतिशत ज़मीन पर रह रहे थे को 55 प्रतिशत ज़मीन दे दी गयी। फिलिस्तीनियों को केवल 45 प्रतिशत ज़मीन दी गयी और उन्होंने इस निर्णय को अल-नकबा (तबाही) की संज्ञा दी।

इजराइल को अमेरिका और ब्रिटेन का पूरा समर्थन मिला। युद्धों के ज़रिये वह धीरे-धीरे अपने कब्ज़े की ज़मीन का विस्तार करता गया और आज स्थिति यह है कि वह मूल फिलिस्तीन की 80 प्रतिशत से भी ज्यादा ज़मीन पर काबिज़ है। फिलिस्तीनी अपनी ही ज़मीन पर शरणार्थी बन गए हैं और आज 15 लाख फिलिस्तीनी सुविधा-विहीन कैम्पों में रहने पर मजबूर हैं। शुरूआती विस्थापनों में से एक में 14 लाख फिलिस्तीनियों को अपने घरबार छोड़ने पड़े थे। इन्हीं विस्थापितों में से प्रतिरोध की एक नायिका लैला ख़ालिद उभरी थी। वे “पॉपुलर फ्रंट फॉर द लिबरेशन ऑफ़ पेलेस्टाइन” के सदस्य थीं। प्रतिरोध के एक अन्य बड़े नायक थे यासेर अराफात, जिन्होंने बीच का रास्ता चुना और फिलिस्तीन को वैश्विक मुद्दा बनाया। समाधान के कई प्रयास असफल हो गए जिनमें ओस्लो समझौता शामिल है। जमीन को बाँट कर वहां दो देशों – फिलिस्तीन और इजराइल – की स्थापना का प्रस्ताव इजराइल को मंज़ूर नहीं है। बल्कि इजराइल तो एक तरह से फिलिस्तीन को मान्यता ही नहीं देता। इजराइल की एक प्रधानमंत्री गोल्डा मेयर ने कहा था “फिलिस्तीन जैसी कोई चीज़ नहीं है”। इजराइल की मूल नीति यही है।

इजराइल लगातार फिलिस्तीन की भूमि पर कब्ज़ा बढाता जा रहा है और इस बारे में संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघ के कई प्रस्तावों को इजराइल नज़रअंदाज़ करता आ रहा है। अमेरिका इजराइल की यहूदीवादी नीतियों का खुलकर समर्थन करता आ रहा है। और इसके बदले इजराइल पश्चिम एशिया में कच्चे तेल के संसाधनों पर कब्ज़ा ज़माने में अमेरिका की मदद करता रहा है।

दुनिया में शायद ही कोई समुदाय इतना प्रताड़ित हो जितना कि फिलिस्तीनी हैं। वे अपनी ही भूमि पर कुचले जा रहें, उन्हें उनकी ही ज़मीन से बेदखल किया जा रहा है। फिलिस्तीनी ब्रिटिश उपनिवेशवाद और अमेरिकी साम्राज्यवाद के शिकार हैं। पिछले कुछ दशकों में संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघ को बहुत कमज़ोर बना दिया गया है। ऐसे में इन प्रताड़ित लोगों को कौन न्याय देगा? यह दुखद है कि हिटलर ने यहूदियों के साथ जो किया था, वही यहूदी फिलिस्तीनियों के साथ कर रहे हैं।

यह अन्याय यदि और गंभीर होता जा रहा है तो इसका कारण है पश्चिमी देशों का इजराइल को अंध-समर्थन। पश्चिम समस्या के मूल में नहीं जाना चाहता। वह नहीं स्वीकार करना चाहता कि समस्या के मूल में है यहूदी विस्तारवाद और फिलिस्तीनियों का दमन। आवश्यकता इस बात की है कि पश्चिम एशिया के संकट को सुलझाने के लिए शांति और न्याय पर आधारित आन्दोलन चलाया जाए। वर्तमान स्थिति में एक मात्र अच्छी बात यह है कि इजराइल के मनमानी के खिलाफ प्रदर्शनों में बड़ी संख्या में यहूदी भी हिस्सा ले रहे हैं।

(अंग्रेजी से रूपांतरण अमरीश हरदेनिया; लेखक आईआईटी मुंबई में पढ़ाते थे और सन 2007 के नेशनल कम्यूनल हार्मोनी एवार्ड से सम्मानित हैं)

Navratri May Be Different, But The Soul Of India is One

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As we head to the last day of Navratri it may be good to observe how Hinduism brought together dissimilar customs and rituals in harmony and mutual respect — with no single theme thrusting itself on any. All Hindus agree on the same nine days and ten nights in autumn, but after that, the observances in different regions contrast quite a lot — as the ‘local’ adjusts itself within the ‘universal’.

The important point to note, however, is that these are not really ‘variants’ of some ‘national-level standard’ as is often claimed — for no such central standard exists at all. In fact, many old regional traditions have actually taken several steps forward to ‘sanskritise’, copy and come closer together. Broadly, we can decipher three zonal themes in Navratri — (1) in the north and west; (2) in the east and parts of the north-east, and (3) in the south.

In the first major zone, ‘the goddess’ is worshipped through fasts and rigorous dietary restraint over nine days. Ultimately, it is more about Ram and his victory over the evil Ravan that is really the climax of Dussehra in the north and west. The east and north-east celebrate not Lord Ram but Durga, in her most belligerent form, and the tenth day, Vijaya Dashami, commemorates her triumph over evil — as personified by Mahishasura. In the south, Andhra and Mysore celebrate neither Ram nor Durga, but the victory of the Pandavas. In Tamil Nadu, different devis are worshipped during Navratri. The first three days are for worship of Lakshmi, the next three days for Parvati or Durga, and the last three days to Saraswati.

We come across fascinating displays of many dolls placed on wooden planks, called Bommai Kolu and other similar names.. At the end of Navratri the southern states, Maharashtra and Odisha observe Aayudha or Astra Puja to worship instruments and tools — which, incidentally, is done in Bengal and the Ganga states during Vishwakarma Puja a month before. Then, while both the north and the south agree on worshipping nine forms of the goddess on each of the nine days, Bengal and neighbouring states focus their celebrations mainly on the last three days and on the tenth day.

When north and west observe strict dietary restrictions, the east feasts on fish and meat. We understand the real plurality of India when we see how the ‘same Navratri’ means different festivals for different Indians. In Maharashtra, for instance, Navratri is celebrated as the Ghat-sthapana utsav, when an earthen pot is filled with water and sits on a base of wet clay, in which seven types of food-grains are sown, which sprout in these nine days. Gujaratis are clear that the pitcher represents fertility and  call it garbha or womb. Their famous Garba dance is around this pot, into which they place a lighted lamp. Much of Garba was however re-fashioned after it was merged with the Dandiya Raas.

In Goa, the pot is of copper and many other communities also start sowing pulses, cereals, barley and other seeds around during this period. Even in far-off Bengal, Nava-Patrikas or leaves of nine plants like banana, turmeric, wood-apple, pomegranate and paddy are consecrated in knee-deep water on the first day (Saptami) of Durga puja. The banyan plant and other leaves are then draped in a sari and worshipped along with the goddess as  Kola Bou — obviously, as a carry-over from a fertility cult.

Frankly, this spirit of accommodation of diversity is what brought millions together, not only through this Navratri festival but many others as well. Basically, regional customs prevail during most ‘pan-Indian’ festivals, but with centuries and millennia of coexistence, the seasonal rites and worships of different regions gradually inched closer towards each other — under Brahmanical persuasion, often aided by ruling groups.

What is striking, however, is the almost total absence of force or any pre-planned mission to homogenise belief and custom within Hinduism. It is clear, therefore, that any attempt to homogenise Hinduism is bound to be antithetical and counter-productive to the very soul of plural India.

It has also been posted on Jawhar Sircar’s Facebook page.

Jitni Abadi Utna Haq: Is Congress Falling Short On Its Promise For Madhya Pradesh Muslims?

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Bhopal: The Indian National Congress, in its manifesto, has guaranteed a caste-based census if they secure victory in the upcoming assembly elections in Madhya Pradesh. This promise follows the example of Nitish Kumar’s Bihar government, which released the findings of a caste-based census on October 2. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi endorsed the findings of the Bihar census with the slogan– Jitni Abadi Utna Haq (equal rights for all in proportion to the population). Prime Minister Narendra Modi criticized the slogan during an event in Chhattisgarh.

With the elections scheduled for November 17 in Madhya Pradesh, the parties are announcing the names of their candidates. Out of the 230 assembly seats, the Congress party has allotted 62 tickets to OBC (Other Backward Classes) candidates, 80 to Rajputs and Brahmins, 48 to Scheduled Tribes, and 34 to Scheduled Castes. But only two tickets have been given to Muslim candidates, sparking discussions on the Grand Old Party’s stance and inclusivity. These two seats are located in the state capital, in the Bhopal Madhya and North constituencies, and have stirred disappointment in the Muslim community.

Madhya Pradesh has 47 constituencies reserved for Scheduled Tribes and 35 constituencies for Scheduled Castes. According to the 2011 census, Scheduled Castes constitute 15.6%, and Scheduled Tribes make up 21.1% of the state’s population of 7.26 crores. According to the State OBC Welfare Commission, 48% of voters in Madhya Pradesh belong to OBC.

Anas Ali of the Barkatullah Youth Forum expressed his disappointment, saying that the Congress party has continuously ignored minorities, especially Muslims, with their ticket quotas being reduced in every election. Even their manifesto has nothing for Muslims. Congress must clarify its policy for minorities. “Knowing that Muslims are a decisive factor in victory, the Congress is neglecting them in politics. It is a sort of bulldozing of their representation. The Congress party once again refuses to put any effort toward the Muslim community, considering their votes as a gift. Muslims need to look for a third option, or they will become politically invisible,” said Ali.

In 2013, the Congress nominated 5 Muslim candidates, in 2018, the number was reduced to 3, and in the current election, it stands at 2. Though the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party nominated 1 Muslim candidate in 2013 and 2018, this time their candidate list does not include any Muslim contenders.

The Madhya Pradesh state assembly currently has two Muslim Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs). Arif Aqueel, a seasoned Congress leader, has been serving as the MLA for the Bhopal North constituency since 1990, except for 1993. Congress has nominated his son, Atif Aqeel, as their candidate. In 2018, Congress MLA Arif Masood defeated BJP’s Surendra Nath Singh from the Bhopal Madhya constituency, marking the first time in 33 years that the Madhya Pradesh assembly had two Muslim MLAs.

The BJP is leaving no stone unturned to win those seats in the upcoming elections. They have fielded former MLA Dhruv Narayan Singh as their candidate for the Madhya constituency, while former Bhopal mayor Alok Sharma is contesting from the North constituency.

Congress State Media Department Chairman KK Mishra, in a conversation with eNewsroom, said that the Congress party has ensured representation of all communities after calculating the caste surveys. He highlighted that while the Congress party has allocated 40% of tickets to the OBCs (Other Backward Classes), it is not practical to provide tickets to everyone. “Minority constitutes other communities as well besides the Muslim community. We have given tickets to Muslim candidates based on their population and potential to win elections. Congress has allotted 10 tickets to the Jain community, which no other party did. BJP has not given a single ticket to a Muslim candidate. Why does the responsibility to answer the question lie with Congress?” stated Mishra.

The Muslim population in Madhya Pradesh is 6.57%, while the Jains have 0.78%.

Muslim Vikas Parishad convenor Mohammad Mahir, speaking to eNewsroom, said that the Congress party is taking Muslims for granted. Whenever the majority community gets angry with the BJP, they choose to elect a Congress government, and vice-versa. The Muslim community’s vote is the deciding factor in many constituencies. “80% of Muslims in Madhya Pradesh vote for Congress because they don’t have other options. If we look at the Muslim population in Madhya Pradesh, they deserve at least 15 seats. Even the Burhanpur seat is not allocated to a Muslim candidate. Muslims did not properly vote in the assembly elections of 2008 and 2013, leading to the formation of the BJP government,” said Khan.

He added that Madhya Pradesh Congress Committee chief Kamalnath had said in 2018 that 90% Muslim votes could help Congress to form a government in Madhya Pradesh. The Muslim participation helped Congress to emerge as a single largest party forming a coalition government with SP, BSP, and independent candidates.

A video of Congress leader Kamalnath went viral in 2018, urging his party workers to ensure Muslim votes. “We are doomed if we do not get 90% Muslim votes,” Kamalnath could be heard saying in the video.

“There are 47 Muslim-affected constituencies in Madhya Pradesh, with their margin of influencing from 5,000 to 10,000 votes, and 22 seats are decided by the Muslim electorate. Last time, Muslims openly supported Congress, which helped them reach the digit of 114. If we subtract these 22 seats where Muslims are the decisive factor, Congress would have fallen short at 85 seats, unable to secure a majority and form the government in 2018. Whether they include us in a manifesto or not and whoever forms the government, we will cash the votes this time,” Khan concluded.

Though the Indian National Congress Party secured the most seats in the 2018 state assembly elections with 114 out of 230, the BJP had a slightly higher vote share at 41.02% compared to the Congress’s 40.89%.

The Bhopal Municipal Corporation Leader of the Opposition, Shabista Zaki, admitted that Muslims are irked with the unequal candidature. “Muslims work hard for the Congress. They should not be treated with discrimination. Was there not a single seat throughout Madhya Pradesh outside Bhopal where Muslims could have been given tickets? Instead of following the footsteps of another party, Congress must stick to the right and fair way,” Zaki remarked.

দেবী দুর্গার বিবর্তন: মহাদেশ এবং যুগ জুড়ে তার বহুমুখী উত্সের সন্ধান করা

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দুর্গা তার বর্তমান রূপে বিভিন্ন প্রবাহকে অন্তর্ভুক্ত করে, যেমন সিংহবাহিনী (দেবী যিনি সিংহে চড়েন), মহিষাসুর মর্দিনী (যে মহিষ-দানবকে বধ করেন) এবং দশভুজা বা দশ-বাহু দেবী। তারা বিভিন্ন পর্যায়ে এবং যুগে বিবর্তিত হয়েছে।

সিংহ-বাহিনী রূপটি মধ্যপ্রাচ্য এবং ভূমধ্যসাগরীয় অঞ্চলে কয়েক সহস্রাব্দ ধরে সুপরিচিত ছিল। তিনি মেসোপটেমিয়াতে ইশতার, গ্রীসে আস্টার্টে এবং ট্রয়তে সাইবেলে নামে পূজিত হন। তুরস্কের সাইবেল আসলে এতটাই শক্তিশালী এবং চাহিদা ছিল যে তাকে 204 খ্রিস্টপূর্বাব্দে রোমে নিয়ে যাওয়া হয়েছিল। রোমান সম্রাটরা তাকে “দেবতাদের মহান মা”, ম্যাগনা মেটার ডিিয়াম হিসাবে পূজা করতেন। ৪র্থ শতাব্দী পর্যন্ত, তার মন্দিরটি যেখানে এখন পবিত্র ভ্যাটিকান দাঁড়িয়ে আছে সেখানে অবস্থিত ছিল।

এটা লক্ষণীয় যে তার পূজা “পবিত্র ষাঁড়ের রক্তে বাপ্তিস্ম” হিসাবে পরিচিত ছিল, যা আমাদের মনে করিয়ে দেয় দুর্গা মহিষের রক্ত ঝরার কথা। তাকে “গুহার দেবী” হিসাবেও উল্লেখ করা হয়েছিল যা আমাদের স্মরণ করিয়ে দেয়। “অগম্য” বা দুর্গম শব্দ থেকে দুর্গার উৎপত্তি।

দেবী বা মাতৃদেবী অনাদিকাল থেকে ইউরোপ এবং আফ্রিকাতেও বেশ দৃশ্যমান ছিল। আমরা সিন্ধু উপত্যকায় তার প্রতিচ্ছবি প্রচুর দেখতে পাই। কিন্তু বৈদিক যুগে সে কম দেখা যায়, যেখান থেকে আমরা কোনো মূর্তি বা বস্তুগত প্রমাণ পাই না।

সতপাথ এবং তৈত্তিরীয় উপনিষদগুলি অবশ্য “অম্বিকা” উল্লেখ করে কিন্তু বৌধায়ন ও সাংখায়নের সূত্রেই প্রথমবারের মতো ‘দুর্গা’ নামটি দেখা যায়। মহাকাব্যগুলিতে দেবী, শক্তি, এবং অন্যদের মধ্যে বিপথগামী উল্লেখ রয়েছে, তবে দশ-সশস্ত্র যোদ্ধা দেবী তাদের ফোকাস ক্ষেত্র ছিল না।

ভীষ্ম পর্বে অর্জুন দুর্গার উপাসনা করার উল্লেখ আছে এবং স্কন্দ-কার্তিকেয় মহিষাসুরকে হত্যা করার উল্লেখ রয়েছে। কয়েকটি পুরাণে দুর্গার উল্লেখ আছে, কিন্তু শুধুমাত্র যখন “মার্কণ্ডেয় পুরাণ”-এর “দেবী মাহাত্ম্য” বিভাগ মহিষাসুরের বিরুদ্ধে দুর্গার জয়কে মহিমান্বিত করেছিল যে তাকে বৈধভাবে হিন্দু ধর্মালম্বীদের অন্তর্ভুক্ত করা হয়েছিল।

শীঘ্রই, “ব্রহ্মা, বিষ্ণু এবং মহেশ্বর” এর পুরানো বৈদিক ত্রয়ী “বিষ্ণু, শিব এবং দেবী” কে পথ দিয়েছিল এবং ব্রহ্মা পুষ্করে অবসর গ্রহণ করেছিলেন।

যদিও ব্রাহ্মণ্য সাহিত্যে দেবীকে গ্রহণ ও মহিমান্বিত করতে অনেক সময় লেগেছিল, যিনি রাক্ষস মহিষকে হত্যা করেছিলেন, এই দেবীর চিত্রিত ভাস্কর্যগুলি “দেবী মাহাত্ম্য” এর কয়েক শতাব্দী আগে উপস্থিত হয়েছিল। এগুলি অবশ্য বর্তমান দশ-ভূজা বা অষ্ট-ভূজা ফর্মে নয়, 10 বা 8টি অস্ত্র সহ। রাজস্থানের নগরে পাওয়া প্রথম শতাব্দীর একটি পোড়ামাটির ছবি যা আমরা পাই। এর মহিষা আছে, তাই এই দুর্গা মহিষা-মর্দিনী, কিন্তু অসুর না থাকায় এই রূপ এখনও আমাদের মহিষাসুর-মর্দিনী নয়। আমরা সিংহ ও ত্রিশূল দেখি, কিন্তু দুর্গার মাত্র চারটি হাত।

মথুরা জাদুঘরে ছয়টি কুষাণ যুগের মূর্তির আরেকটি সেটে ত্রিশূল ও মহিষ রয়েছে, কিন্তু সিংহ নেই। জে এন ব্যানার্জী গুপ্ত যুগের মহিষাসুর-মর্দিনীর পরিণত চিত্রগুলি বিশদভাবে বর্ণনা করেছেন তবে দুর্গার প্রথম প্রধান গ্রন্থটি গুপ্ত যুগের পরেই এসেছে।

এর অর্থ হল, যদিও শক্তিশালী শক্তিগুলি বহু শতাব্দী ধরে তার উপাসনা করেছে, ব্রাহ্মণ্যবাদ তাকে (পুরাণিক পথের মাধ্যমে) গ্রহণ করেছিল শুধুমাত্র 6 ম বা 7 শতকের শেষের দিকে।

 

এটি জওহর সরকারের ফেসবুক পেজেও পোস্ট করা হয়েছে।

The Evolution of Durga: Tracing Her Multifaceted Origin Across Continents and Ages

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Durga in her present form incorporates different streams, like Simha Vahini (the goddess who rides the lion), the Mahishasura Mardini (one who slays the Buffalo-Demon) and the Dashabhuja or ten-armed goddess. They evolved in different stages and ages.

The Simha-Vahini form was well known for several millennia in the Middle East and the Mediterranean region. She was worshipped as Ishtar in Mesopotamia,  Astarte in Greece and Cybele in Troy. Cybele of Turkey was, in fact, so powerful and in demand that she was taken away to Rome in 204 BC. The Roman emperors worshipped her as the “great mother of the gods”, Magna Mater Deium. Till the 4th century, her temple was located where the holy Vatican stands now.

It is quite interesting to note that her worship was known as “baptism in the blood of the sacred bull”, which reminds us of Durga spilling the blood of the buffalo. She was also referred to as the “goddess of caves” which reminds us of Durga’s origins from the words “inaccessible” or Durgam.

The Devi or the mother goddess was also quite visible in Europe and Africa since times immemorial. We see her image in plenty in the Indus Valley. But she appears less in the Vedic period, from which we get no figurines or material evidence.

The Satapatha and Taittiriya Upanishads, however, refer to “Ambika” but it is only in the Sutras of Boudhayana and Sankhayana that the name ‘Durga’ appears, for the first time. The Epics have stray references to Devi, Sakti, among others, but the ten-armed warrior goddess was not their focus area.

The Bhisma Parva mentions Arjuna worshipping Durga and there are references to Skanda-Kartikeya killing Mahishasura. A few Puranas mention Durga, but it was only when the “Devi Mahatmya” section of the “Markandeya Purana” glorified Durga’s victory over Mahishasura that she was legitimately inducted into the Hindu pantheon.

Soon, the old Vedic triad of “Brahma, Vishnu and Maheshwar” gave way to “Vishnu, Siva and Devi” and Brahma was retired to Pushkar.

Though Brahmanical literature took a long time to accept and glorify the goddess who killed the demonic buffalo, sculptures depicting this Devi appear centuries before the “Devi Mahatmya”. These are, however, not in the present Dasha-bhuja or Ashta-Bhuja forms, with 10 or 8 arms. The earliest image we get is a terracotta one from the 1st century found at Nagar in Rajasthan. It has the Mahisha, so this Durga is Mahisha-Mardini, but as there is no Asura, this form is not yet our Mahishasura-Mardini. We see the lion and the trishul, but Durga has only four hands.

Another set of six Kushana period statues in the Mathura Museum has the trishul and the buffalo, but no lion. J N Banerjea has described in detail the mature images of Mahishasura-Mardini of the Gupta period but the first major text on Durga came only after the Gupta period.

This means while powerful forces may have worshipped her for centuries, Brahmanism accepted her (through the Puranic route) only in the late 6th or 7th century.

 

It has also been posted on Jawhar Sircar’s Facebook page.

ফয়জান আহমেদ হত্যা মামলা শামুকের গতিতে এগোচ্ছে, আইআইটি খড়গপুরে আরও এক ছাত্রের মৃত্যু

কলকাতা: ইন্ডিয়ান ইনস্টিটিউট অফ টেকনোলজি খড়গপুরের ছাত্র আইআইটিিয়ান ফয়জান আহমেদ হত্যা মামলা শামুকের গতিতে এগোচ্ছে। বাংলা সরকারের প্রতিনিধি টানা তৃতীয়বারের মতো আদালতে হাজির হননি। অতিরিক্তভাবে, তৃতীয় বর্ষের মেকানিক্যাল ইঞ্জিনিয়ারিং ছাত্রের হত্যার আরও তদন্তের জন্য গঠিত বিশেষ তদন্ত দল (SIT) মাত্র পাঁচ দিন আগে 13 অক্টোবর তার সদস্যদের যোগ করেছে। এদিকে, বুধবার আইআইটি খড়গপুরে আরেকটি মৃত্যুর খবর পাওয়া গেছে।

আইআইটিিয়ান ফয়জান আহমেদ

গত বছর, ১১ অক্টোবর, আইআইটি খড়গপুরের একটি হোস্টেলে ফাইজান আহমেদের আংশিক পচা দেহ পাওয়া যায়। খড়গপুর পুলিশ এবং আইআইটি কর্তৃপক্ষ উভয়ই দাবি করেছে যে 23 বছর বয়সী ছাত্র, যিনি দুটি রোবোটিক্স গবেষণা দলের সদস্যও ছিলেন, আত্মহত্যা করেছিলেন। তবে তার বাবা-মা তাতে অসম্মতি জানিয়ে কলকাতা হাইকোর্টে মামলা করেন। প্রাথমিকভাবে, একটি একক বেঞ্চ এটিকে হত্যা বলে ঘোষণা করে এবং আরও তদন্তের জন্য একটি এসআইটি গঠন করে। পরে ডিভিশন বেঞ্চ সিঙ্গল বেঞ্চের সিদ্ধান্ত বহাল রাখে।

আজ, একজন আধিকারিক বিচারক জয় সেনগুপ্তের আদালতে একটি খাম জমা দিয়ে জানিয়েছিলেন যে 13 অক্টোবর সিনিয়র আইপিএস অফিসার কে জয়রামনের নেতৃত্বে এসআইটি গঠিত হয়েছিল। আদালত 20 নভেম্বর পরবর্তী শুনানির জন্য ধার্য করেছে এবং SIT প্রতিনিধিকে সেই তারিখের মধ্যে একটি অগ্রগতি প্রতিবেদন জমা দেওয়ার জন্য অনুরোধ করেছে।

“আমরা আদালতকে জানিয়েছি যে একক বেঞ্চ জুন মাসে এসআইটি গঠন করেছিল এবং ডিভিশন বেঞ্চ 16 আগস্টের আদেশে এটিকে ভেঙে দেয়নি। তারা শুধুমাত্র প্রধানকে তাদের দলকে একত্রিত করার পরামর্শ দিয়েছে। তবে, তদন্তে কোনো অগ্রগতি হয়নি,” ফয়জানের আইনজীবী অনিরুদ্ধ মিত্র ইনিউজরুমকে বলেন।

ফাইজানের মামলার আরেক আইনজীবী রঞ্জিত চ্যাটার্জি, বিচারপতি জয় সেনগুপ্তকে জানান যে বিলম্ব অভিযুক্তদের পড়াশুনা শেষ করার পর ভারত ছেড়ে যাওয়ার অনুমতি দিতে পারে, যার ফলে তাদের গ্রেপ্তার করা কঠিন হয়ে পড়ে।

IIT-KGP-এর আইনজীবী অনিন্দ্য মিত্র অনুরোধ করেছিলেন যে তদন্ত সম্পর্কিত খামটি প্রকাশ করা হবে না। হাইকোর্টে শুনানি চলাকালীন, আইআইটি-র আইনজীবীরা ধারাবাহিকভাবে মামলার বিরোধিতা করে আসছেন।

উল্লেখযোগ্যভাবে, বুধবার আইআইটি খড়গপুরে আরেকটি মৃত্যুর ঘটনা ঘটে যখন একটি হোস্টেলে চতুর্থ বর্ষের বৈদ্যুতিক প্রকৌশল ছাত্র কিরণ চন্দ্রের মৃতদেহ পাওয়া যায়। কিরণ তেলেঙ্গানার বাসিন্দা ছিলেন। ফাইজানের মামলার মতোই, খড়্গপুর পুলিশ এবং আইআইটি কর্তৃপক্ষ উভয়ই দাবি করেছে যে এটি একটি আত্মহত্যা।

Faizan Ahmed murder case moves at a snail’s pace, another student dies at IIT Kharagpur

Kolkata: The murder case of Indian Institute of Technology Kharagpur student Faizan Ahmed has been progressing at snail’s pace. The Bengal government’s representative did not appear for the third consecutive time in the court. Additionally, the Special Investigation Team (SIT) constituted to further investigate the murder of the third-year mechanical engineering student added its members just five days ago on October 13. Meanwhile, another death was reported at IIT Kharagpur on Wednesday.

Last year, on October 11, the partially decomposed body of Faizan Ahmed was discovered in an IIT Kharagpur hostel. Both the Kharagpur police and IIT authorities claimed that the 23-year-old student, who was also a member of two robotics research teams, had committed suicide. However, his parents disagreed and filed a case with the Calcutta High Court. Initially, a single bench declared it a homicide and constituted an SIT for further investigation. Later, the division bench upheld the single bench’s decision.

Today, an officer submitted an envelope to Judge Jay Sengupta’s court, informing that the SIT, led by senior IPS officer K Jayaraman, was formed on October 13. The court did not disclose the details of who else was included in the SIT. The court scheduled the next hearing for November 20 and requested the SIT representative to submit a progress report by that date.

“We have informed the court that the single bench formed the SIT in June, and the division bench did not disband it in its August 16 order. They only suggested the head assemble their team. However, there has been no progress in the investigation,” Faizan’s lawyer, Aniruddha Mitra told eNewsroom,

Ranjit Chatterjee, another lawyer for Faizan’s case, informed Justice Jay Sengupta that the delays could allow the accused to leave India after completing their studies, thereby, making it difficult to apprehend them.

IIT-KGP’s lawyer, Anindya Mitra, requested that the envelope related to the investigation not be made public. Throughout the hearings at the high court, IIT’s lawyers have been consistently opposing the case.

Notably, another death occurred on Wednesday at IIT Kharagpur when the body of fourth-year Electrical Engineering student Kiran Chandra was found in a hostel. Kiran was a resident of Telangana. Similar to Faizan’s case, both Kharagpur police and IIT authorities have asserted that it is a suicide.

India: From World’s Largest Democracy to Disinformation Capital of The World!

Kolkata: The genocide by Israel in Palestine and Gaza in particular has turned India, the world’s largest democracy into disinformation capital of the world. While Indian fact-checkers have pointed out thousands of misleading tweets and claims in favour of Israel since the Hamas attack on Israel, now on the global level, it is being noticed.

On Tuesday, Twitter handle Frida Khan claimed that she is an Al Jazeera journalist. She tweeted after Israel bombed Al-Ahli Baptist Hospital in Gaza, killing more than 1000 people including children, “I am Al Jazeera Journalist Farida Khan working in Khan Younis, Gaza. I saw with my own eyes that it was the Hamas “Ayyash 250” Rocket. It was Hamas misfired Rocket. Al Jazeera is lying. I have video of that Hamas missile landing in the hospital (sic).”

Soon Al Jazeera tweeted and denied that there is any such journalist associated with them.
“Disclaimer: The X / Twitter account @_Faridakhan falsely claims Al Jazeera affiliation. We want to clarify: This account has no ties to Al Jazeera, its views, or content. Exercise caution, verify information prior to publishing (sic).”

israel-palestine-conflict india disinformation capital of world gaza hamas

After Al Jazeera’s tweet, Farida Khan deleted her first and later account.

Indian fact-checker and Co-founder of Alt News, Mohammed Zubair then pointed out that not only the claim of Farida Khan that she works for Al Jazeera, but her account is fake. The account is of someone from India and it is not of a girl as the name suggests.

Zubair has already debunked thousands of fake tweets and accounts which were falsely claimed in favour of Israel. He also showed, how an old video of 2022 is being shared as Hamas misfired a rocket on a hospital in Gaza.

He also pointed out that right wing troll accounts like @Smokingskills07, which mocks the minor victims in Gaza, is followed by women and child development minister Smriti Irani and several BJP MPs.

israel-palestine-conflict india disinformation capital of world gaza hamas fake

Another fact check organization BOOM Live debunked a fake tweet on October 18 by an Indian handler. “A photo of a list of 17 Nepali nationals who were either killed or injured in Kibbutz Alumim during the recent #Hamas attack is being shared with a false claim that they are names of Indian citizens kidnapped by the Islamic militant group (sic)”.

There are thousands of fake handles and tweets in support of the Israeli military’s propaganda doing rounds. The biggest was that Hamas beheaded forty babies. Which misled media houses as well as American President Joe Biden.

israel-palestine-conflict india disinformation capital of world gaza fake misinformation

On October 13, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the US Representative, NY-14 (BX & Queens) tweeted, “The level of misinformation in all directions at this moment is incredibly high, especially on this platform. If you see a claim, photo, or video that triggers a strong emotional reaction, take a moment to pause and check for veracity/confirmation from multiple sources (sic)”. She did not mention any particular country, from where it is being originated, maybe it was not her work.

But a day ahead, fact-checker Pratik Sinha said that now the world would have realized how the Indian right wing has made India the disinformation capital of the world. Sinha tweeted, “With India now exporting its disinformation actors in the Indian mainstream media and on social media in support of Israel, hopefully the world will now realise how the Indian right-wing has made India the disinformation capital of the world. The disinformation originating from India that fact-checkers globally are having to contend with, Indian fact-checkers have been dealing with that every day for several years now (sic).”

From Union Minister to Assembly Candidate: Scindia’s Second Chance at Chief Ministership

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Bhopal: The name of Union Aviation Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia is buzzing with speculation as a potential candidate for next month’s Madhya Pradesh Assembly election. His candidature aligns with the Bharatiya Janata Party’s strategy for this round of elections, which is to field a few big-name candidates in each state, such as Union Ministers and Members of Parliament with strong local connections.

In line with this strategy, the BJP will field seven MPs, including three unioFn ministers: Narendra Singh Tomar (Dimani Assembly seat), Faggan Singh Kulaste (Niwas Assembly seat), and Prahlad Singh Patel (Narsingpur Assembly seat), in the assembly election. Another surprising contender for the election is BJP national general secretary Kailash Vijayvargiya (Indore 1 Assembly seat).

Of the four, Tomar, Patel, and Vijayvargiya are contemporaries of Chouhan, and they are seen as potential candidates for chief minister if the BJP wins.

Notably, the civil aviation minister is a Rajya Sabha MP and has never contested a state election. However, his name started gaining attention only after his aunt, Madhya Pradesh sports minister Yashodhara Raje Scindia, opted out of this election, citing health reasons. The 69-year-old Ms Scindia has contracted Covid-19 four times since the pandemic began.

In her absence, her nephew may be fielded either from his aunt’s Shivpuri seat or any of the two other seats in Guna – Bamori or Kolaras. All three are in the Lok Sabha segment of Guna that Jyotiraditya Scindia held from 2002 to 2014, according to a senior party functionary.

His candidature is likely to reignite his hope in the race for chief minister if the BJP come to power. Scindia missed the chance to become one of the youngest chief ministers of the central Indian state when Kamal Nath, 72, was selected for the top job in the state in 2018 by the Congress.

The billionaire heir to the one-time house of Gwalior, Jyotiraditya Scindia, declined the deputy chief minister post, just like Sachin Pilot when the Congress returned to power after 15 long years in 2018. Later, Scindia revolted and walked out of the Congress with a group of his supporters, leading to the downfall of the 15-month-old Kamal Nath government in early 2020 when he joined the Bharatiya Janata Party, possibly to be the chief minister if BJP forms government and wins bypolls, but here also it did not happen.

This was the second time that a member of the erstwhile royal family missed the chief minister post in the state. In 1989, Madhavrao Scindia, his father, a Union Minister (Railways), was unable to secure the top post.

Political observers informs that Scindia was all set to become chief minister after Arjun Singh had to step down following his alleged involvement in the Churhat lottery scam.

A confident Madhav Rao Scindia landed at Bhopal Airport (now named Raja Bhoj International Airport) and camped in the state for two days. According to veteran journalist ND Sharma, Madhavrao Scindia was unable to secure the coveted chief minister post due to stiff opposition from Arjun Singh, “Mr Singh, in a bid to get his way at the time, even kept his MLAs ensconced in the Char Imli residence of loyalist Harivansh Singh,” he recalled.

While a report by Press Trust of India article titled “Like father 30 years ago, Jyotiraditya Scindia misses out on Chief Minister’s post” published on December 15, 2018.

Instead, Motilal Vora was appointed as the chief minister, the report added.

It was not a mere coincidence that Jyotiraditya chose to quit Congress on a particular day, as noted by political analyst and author Rasheed Kidwai. “Jyotiraditya carefully chose the day of his rebellion: his father’s seventy-fifth anniversary, March 10,” as mentioned in Rasheed’s book The House of Scindias: : A Saga of Power, Politics and Intrigue.

Jyotiraditya posted a letter on Twitter addressed to Sonia, the Congress’s interim chief, announcing his resignation from the Congress. Minutes after he posted his resignation, the Congress expelled Jyotiraditya for ‘anti-party activities,’ just as P V Narasimha Rao had expelled Madhavrao in 1996 when he had resigned from the Congress, as written in the author’s book in the chapter titled Jyotiraditya Scindia: The Ambitious Gwalior Royal‘ on page 164.

Political observers also claim that there is no other leader of Scindia’s stature in the Gwalior-Chambal region. The Gwalior-Chambal region played a significant role in bringing the Congress to power in 2018 and has now contributed to the party’s decline in Madhya Pradesh. The Congress won 26 out of 34 seats in last assembly polls. Nearly five years later, both parties are almost evenly matched in the Gwalior-Chambal region. The Congress’s tally here has fallen to 17, while the BJP has increased its strength from a meager 7 to 16 after the by-polls in 2020.

While Scindia has not made it clear whether he will contest the Assembly election, he strongly reacted when a section of the media claimed that he was unwilling to contest in the upcoming Assembly election in Madhya Pradesh after his meeting with Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan at his residence. Scindia loyalist and State BJP spokesperson Pankaj Chaturvedi dismissed this news as “completely baseless and fake.”

So far, the BJP has named 136 candidates, and the Congress party has declared the names of 144 candidates for next month’s Madhya Pradesh Assembly election. The Assembly has 230 seats, meaning that the BJP has 94 and the Congress has 86 more decisions to make. Both parties are likely to release the names of candidates during the Navratri season, which began on October 15.

The party has sent the message that the BJP will contest ‘unitedly’ under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and not on the face of Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan (an MLA from Budhni assembly seat).