क्या भारत में प्रेस की आज़ादी बिल्कुल ख़त्म हो जाएगी?
India awaits its post-Reichstag moment
Days after the Lal Qila incident on 26 January in Delhi, India is all set to witness a repeat of the aftermath of the infamous Reichstag fire in Hitler’s Germany. Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led BJP-RSS government and its UP and Haryana counterparts have started hounding out the leaders of the farmers’ movement against pro-corporate farm laws. Stringent terror laws are being invoked. Armed Police, paramilitary forces have been deployed to evict farmers from the borders of the national capital.
Meanwhile, ruling party leaders are instigating Hindu villagers to drive away the Sikh-dominated peasant assemblies at the borders of the national capital. They are calling the Sikh farmers anti-nationals and their movement a Khalistani-Pakistani conspiracy to threaten the security of India and its Hindu majority.
Some Sikh youth had hoisted their religious flag on a bare flagpole on the rampart of historic Lal Qila premises in Delhi on the 72nd Republic Day. It also resembles the separatist Khalistani flag. But they did not pay any disrespect to Indian national flag or replaced it with their own. The Tricolor continues to fly at the top of the Red Fort, the citadel of Mughal power-turned epitome of Indian sovereignty. It has been a prerogative of prime ministers of postcolonial India to hoist the national flag on the lower flagpole on 15 August, the Independence Day.
The RSS, the fountainhead of the majoritarian Hindutva politics and the mother of the ruling BJP had neither joined the composite national struggle against the British Raj nor accepted the Tricolor as the national flag for many years after the freedom. It still salutes Bhagwa Jhanda or Saffron flag that connotes Hindu supremacy and its followers openly want to replace the Tricolor with their own. Journalists including this writer had incurred their wrath when we declined to stand up in the honour of the RSS flag. Now the irony of time is unmistakable.

Nevertheless, the saffron gangs are spewing venom against Sikh farmers and asking their supporters to snatch away the Tricolor from the hands of the ‘traitors’. The pro-Modi TV channels are harping on the same narrative round the clock and exhorting ‘nationalists’ to close ranks. Clearly, they are preaching a recipe for communal riots, a sure-shot strategy to deflect popular attention from economic miseries and social injustice.
The German parallel
The German parliament house was put on fire on 27 February,1933 and the Nazi party quickly blamed communists. Hitler cracked down on assorted ‘anti-nationals’ and ‘Jews lobby-led conspirators’ by arresting them en masse including the Left wing MPs and non-Nazi labor and peasant leaders. He immediately amassed dictatorial power to bury the country’s fragile parliamentary democracy and divided opposition.
The communist leaders who had been put on the dock for their purported crimes were acquitted later. Except Marinus van der Lubbe, a young Dutch communist who was said to have acted on his own, guillotined later. Many contemporary accounts described him as a mentally unstable youth who was looking for a dramatic uprising against the Nazi takeover.
William Shirer and many other journalists and historians later said that the young man, a ‘lone wolf’ in today’s anti-terror parlance, might have started a small fire. But Nazis availed the golden opportunity and stoked the fire with gallons of fuel to gut down the huge building. Hitler and his men killed two birds with one stone: the end of both the multi-party democracy and the communists-socialists who had won substantial electoral support despite their mutual acrimony.
India today has already evoked some chilling parallels with Nazi Germany, especially after the second coming of Modi in 2014. The comparison is not far-fetched. Both the ideology of RSS and the hysteric Lynch mobs that hate Muslims and worship Modi a la followers of the Nazi führer, are professedly similar.
Deep Siddhu: The Indian Marinus?
The Sikh youths at Lal Qila were hot-headed and irresponsible. They may be the agent provocateurs as the majority of farmer leaders have labelled their leader, Deep Siddhu. A minor actor-turned activist, Siddhu is no rustic rabble-rouser but an English-speaking ambitious upper middle class youth from Punjab. His interview with journalist Barkha Dutt two months back has revealed that of late he is a votary of radical restructuring of Indian Centre-state relations. But he is also an admirer of Jarnail Singh Vindranwale.
The latter was killed during military action at the centre of Sikh religion, the Golden Temple in the early eighties after he became the main proponent of separatist Khalistan movement and took to arms. The demand for more equitable powers between states and the union governments is a strong but thorny strand of Indian mainstream politics since the Nehru era. But it also runs parallel to religious, linguistic and regional fault lines in India and many other countries and has triggered sectarian violence, civil wars and separatist wars more under the dictatorial rules.
Siddhu is clearly an attention and opportunity- seeking youth who has failed in film career and now wants to pitch in politics. He had already warmed up his access to Prime Minister Modi and his home minister Amit Shah via the film star-turned BJP MP from Punjab, Sunny Deol. He claimed to have no relation to BJP and spoke against its majoritarian politics at the cost of the states with minorities like Punjab. Now, his dramatic advent at the Red Fort as a champion of Sikh pride has only portrayed him at best as a pathetic pawn in the hands of the BJP government and at worst, a paid provocateur in its service.
Import of the farmer’s protest
Last winter PM Modi faced street protests across the country against the religion-based Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) But they were forced to roll back under prolonged Corona lockdown. Peasants of Punjab and Haryana have renewed the resistance against three pro-corporate farm laws since June- September. They have put a siege on the national power centre for the last two months demanding the abrogation of these laws. The new acts cap the regime’s series of moves were passed by bulldozing the parliamentary procedures and opposition parties, all in the name of reform but only to serve its crony capitalists.
The regime could not evict the mammoth but peaceful assembly of the farmers. They did not budge despite the loss of around 150 lives under the chilly open sky and refused to climb down on their demands as the deadlock continued at talks. The regime was looking for opportunities for a crackdown. It did not want rickety opposition to gain strength from the agitating farmers that had planned a march to the parliament at the opening days of the budget session.

Farmers on roads have proved themselves formidable and the real opposition on roads and a prolonged nightmare to the ruling corporate-communal cabal. Modi-Shah duo apparently could not afford a violent showdown considering the sentiments of Sikh and Hindu Jat jawans in army and paramilitary forces as well as the tumultant violence that the Operation Bluestar had triggered and led to the assassination of Indira Gandhi.
The 26 January violence, particularly the Lal Qila incident provided the regime what it was looking for: an opportunity for rousing emotions of Hindu majority. Particularly, that of the youth who hardly know or care for the difference between pluralist democratic nationalism of our freedom struggle that the Tricolor embodies and RSS-BJP brand of Hindu nationalism that stands for majoritarian supremacy.
Tikait holds ground
But the tearful defiance of Rakesh Tikait, a Jat farmer leader from Western UP with considerable following among Jats in surrounding states seemed to have halted the planned onslaught in the intervening night between 27-28 January. Insulted by BJP leaders who reportedly taunted him as an accomplice of anti-nationals, Tikait refused to end the assembly at Ghazipur border and court arrest which he had thought of earlier.
As his soulful cry for the peasant honour went viral, farmers who had gone home, somehow dispirited after 26 January incidents, rushed back in numbers. A war of nerves continued as both police and farmers spent a sleepless night. The farmers have prevailed so far and their depleted ranks at Singh and Tikri borders have witnessed a ripple effect of Ghazipur.
As the parliament begins its session some kilometres away, the rustic democrats and patriots are still keeping the vigil on roads. For you and me, for our children, for the future of the idea of India.
Jai Hind and Jai Shri Ram: Can the two go together as BJP-RSS appropriates Netaji, Tagore and other Bengal icons before assembly polls?
Kolkata: Jai Hind! Jai Shri Ram!
Can the two salutations go together? It depends on which side of the great indian political ring you are now placed, particularly, if you are a Deshi. Right now, the ring itself has been shifted to Bengal as the state is gearing up for assembly poll by May 2021.
On 23 January, we witnessed the latest show-down between Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the mascot of the BJP-RSS and state chief minister cum Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee. The occasion was the 125th birth anniversary of ‘Netaji’ Subhas Chandra Bose, the legendary leader of Azad Hind Fauj or Indian National Army (INA) that took support from the Axis power in WWII to liberate India from the British Yoke. Venue was the premises of Victoria Memorial in Kolkata, dedicated to the queen of British empire at its zenith and now controlled by the central ministry of culture.
As soon as Bengal’s big sis was invited to speak, some of Modi-bhakts greeted her with the chants of Jai Shri Ram! It was clearly meant for taunting her as she had taken it as an affront earlier and even chased away BJP supporters. This time too, a visibly angry Mamata called it an ‘insult to an invited dignitary’ and refused to address. She ended her protest with Jai Hind! Jai Bangla! The two friends-turned foes hardly exchanged a glance, let alone a smile.
Modi could have stopped his minions by raising his index finger or wave of hand. He often makes such gestures either to warn the opposition parties or dismiss his detractors. But he chose to sit nonchalant.
What Jai Hind stands for
Bose, a Bengali icon with a pan-Indian appeal and a well known figure across the Indian subcontinent had coined the call– Jai Hind or Hail India. A mix of two Hindi and Urdu words respectively, it simply resonated his ideals of Hindu-Muslim unity as well as recognition of plural backgrounds of the INA soldiers. Indians from diverse regions, religions, castes and language groups placed their loyalty to a common homeland without any religious tinge and took oath to fight together for its freedom. It became popular among rank and file of all castes and creeds as well as a war cry against the Brits.

INA perished in the whirlpools of the war fortunes of great powers despite reaching the borders and shores of India but triggered a seismic tremor in Indian psyche that ultimately led to our freedom. Jai Hind became the words of popular greeting both among the ruling elites who believed in secular nationalism and the masses who followed them. Bose’s end is still a mystery and highly contested one. But that has only lingered his legend as a tragic hero. In post-colonial India, many believed in his second coming as the redeemer of the hopes of the freedom era and the unifier of a divided land after the murder of Gandhi.
What Jai Shri Ram stands for
In contrast, Jai Shri Ram (Hail lord Ram) was coined in the late eighties as both the war cry of the Hindu revivalists led by Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and byword for their camaraderie. It has nothing to do with the devotion of Hindu faithfuls to the god-king of the epic Ramayana whose reign had become a byword for a benevolent and just rule and was revered across faiths in South and south-east Asia.
The war cry in his name has become a blood-curdling call for vengeance against Muslims in India and the mantra to trigger mass hysteria among Hindus, particularly in the Hindi heartland since 1992. Further, it has been morphed into an assertion of victory since Modi became the PM and master rooster of the BJP in 2014, the RSS political wing. More he has gained absolute power, the more the saffron cry connotes a heady invincibility that demands immediate submission of the religious and political minorities including the civil society. Fall in line, else, face the Lynch mobs or police hounds.
Nevertheless, the criers of Jai Shri Ram need to appropriate and subsume Jai Hind to get an aura of wider respectability and acceptability since the RSS did not join the anti-British struggle. So the Sangh Parivar is hell-bent to usurp Gandhi sans his calls for Hindu-Muslim Amity and non-violence despite the fact that his murderer was its fellow-traveller and now being worshipped in Modis India.
Amvedkar is also in the A- list sans his call for annihilation of castes and seperate Dalit identity beyond Brahminical Hindu order.

Politics on appropriation: Bengal’s icons
Similar RSS-BJP exercise is on with Swami Vivekananda, Rabindranath Thakur (Tagore) and Subhas Bose, all Bengali icons who also enjoy pan-Indian reverence and beyond the borders. Swami, the reformer monk had bridged Vedanta philosophy to modernity and spoke against any race or religion’s superiority. Today he has been turned on his head as the hero of Hindu supremacists.
Tagore, the philosopher-poet deplored not only Hitler-Mussolini and Japanese militarism but also the dangers inherent in nationalism. He detested ritualistic rigor of Brahminical Hinduism as well as bigotry of all religious communities while promoting pluralism and interfaith dialogues, particularly, Hindu-Muslim Amity. But RSS-BJP has been trying hard to make a critic of Islam and Christianity. His poetic images of Sonar Bangla (Golden Bengal), has now become part of BJP’s poll campaign. Bose who followed Vivekananda in spirituality and was loved by Tagore is the latest target.
Bose and his legacy: BJP eyes a special effect
On Subhas Bose’s birthday, Modi spoke at length on Netaji’s legacy and the nationalist hero’s relevance in India under his watch as well as his personal inspiration. He virtually made Netaji an ambassador for his ‘Atma Nirbhar Bharat Abhiyan’ or campaign for self-reliant India to make local corporate brands global. It’s also a new slogan to attract the global capital which may flee Covid-hit China and other countries in a corollary to his earlier Make in India campaign.
Modi even related Boss’s ‘parakram’ or bravery as the INA leader to current Indian army’s military might from ‘LOC to LAC’ or against Pakistan and China respectively. But he mentioned the icon as a devout Hindu who used to read Bhagwad Gita, the Hindu holy book. But he did not bother to mention Bose’s secular public life and composite nationalism encapsulated in the INA salutation– ‘Jai Hind’ salutation.
Modi’s silence on Bose’s pluralist politics and focus on Hindu-Muslim unity in undivided Bengal and India was deliberate and part of an orchestrated campaign. It was more evident during the light and sound presentation on Netaji. It focused on his clashes with Gandhi and other Congress leaders including his fellow traveller- turned rival, Jawarlal Nehru.
Clearly, the narrative suits BJP-RSS to target Congress today as well as stoke the Bengali sentiments that Bose was deprived in his life and death. Ironically, Mamata too shares it but wants to use it against ‘outsider’ Modi and his party.
Joe Biden is a bad news for Modi and his party
“Abki Bar Trump Sarkar”, shouted an exultant Narendra Modi at the Howdy Modi event held in Houston, Texas, in September 2019 which was also addressed by then United States President Donald Trump. Besides the leaders of Trump’s Republican Party, nine to ten Democrats were also reported to be present.
Alas! Modi’s wish could not be fulfilled. Trump was ousted in disgrace by the electorate and Joe Biden was installed in the White House. And that is not a good news for Modi and his RSS-dominated outfit. Nor does it augur well for the organisers who were feeling on cloud nine after the ‘Howdy Modi’ event. About 50,000 people were said to have attended the event, many of them owing allegiance to the RSS/BJP, though head of the BJP’s Overseas Affairs Department Vijay Chauthaiwale had claimed that the event was organised neither by the BJP nor by the (Modi) government.
Joe Biden does not want those with RSS/BJP links in his administration. According to a report in The Tribune, Biden has appointed around 20 Indian-Americans in his administration but Obama administration staffer Sonal Shah as well as Amit Jani, who worked on the Biden campaign team, have so far been excluded, allegedly due to their RSS-BJP links which was brought into the limelight by over a dozen Indian-American organisations.
“Joe Biden’s team has people like senior diplomat Uzra Zeya, who had played a role in the Devyani Khobragade case, or Samira Fazili, who had joined protest rallies in the US against the CAA, NRC and the Kashmir lockdown. But those with RSS-BJP links have not found a place as secular Indian-American organisations have maintained the pressure on the Biden-Harris transition team to keep such individuals on the sidelines”, writes The Tribune quoting sources.
It is an embarrassing situation for Modi. Hoping to spread abroad the RSS ideology with the help of the United States, he has practically mortgaged India’s sovereignty to America through several bilateral defence agreements. The first such agreement was negotiated when Manohar Parrikar was the Defence Minister. After year-long discussions with US Defence Secretary Ashton Carter, both of them had cautiously announced in Delhi that India and the United States have ‘agreed in principle to share military logistics’. The two, it appeared, had decided to release only bits of negotiations periodically for fear of the possible strong reaction of the people of India towards allowing the US, or any other country for that matter, to use Indian territory for its military purposes. The two countries had finalised a ‘Logistics Support Agreement’ that allows the two militaries to use each other’s land, air and naval bases for supplies, repair and rest. Both sides claimed that this had become inevitable to ‘counter the growing maritime assertiveness of China’.
It was repeatedly emphasised by both sides that there was no question of stationing US troops on Indian soil. ‘As and when a situation arises, like an earthquake or a natural disaster, that is when it is directed at’, Carter had announced. Parrikar said, “It is a concept of logistics support” to provide “support for each other’s platform where they need fuel and supplies”.
Modi did what no other Prime Minister had done. America had been coveting Indian territory for use of its armed forces ever since India got independence. Nehru resisted it diplomatically all his years as Prime Minister. He did not succumb to the pressure even when the Chinese assertiveness had ceased to be a mere perception but become real as that country had advanced its troops on Indian territory. Indira Gandhi virtually snubbed America during the Bangladesh war when that arrogant super-power threatened to destroy India with its legendary nuclear-powered Seventh Fleet. Even Atal Behari Vajpayee considered it terribly against the national interests of India to allow Indian territory to be used by a foreign power for its military activities. The Chandra Shekhar government had, though, allowed the US armed forces the refuelling facilities in India during the 1991 Iraq conflict and there were widespread protests within the country.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in the UPA government was inclined to accede to the US request for closer military cooperation. However, Defence Minister A K Antony, reportedly with the full backing of Congress president Sonia Gandhi, stood firm against any military relationship between India and America, and was jeered at by pro-American sections as a Leftist.
We know this land and feel the heartbeats of its people, culture of Bengal belongs to Khudiram and not Nathuram: Md Salim
Kolkata: Politburo member and former Member of Parliament Md Salim claimed that the Left has played its role in ’20-20′ last year and when the result for 2021 Bengal assembly polls will be out, then it will be completely different from what the media has been projecting.
“Since 2019, we have been working to better our position in Bengal. For one year, BJP-TMC had locked them up, while we and our student wing have been working at the ground level since the lockdown was announced.”
“We have worked during lockdown and amphan. Our youth, students and Leftists have reached out to those in distraught. We went to people in villages, in cities, at every mohalla, whether it was to distribute mask, sanitizer or ration during the lockdown and amphan,” said Md Salim while answering one of the questions posed by eNewsroom’s on how Left parties and specially CPM is working to better their voting percentage in comparison to the 2019 Lok Sabha polls?
“Soon after 2019, people had calculated 2021, but there is 2020 in between, which people had forgotten. The media had removed 2020 from the calendar,” he said.
Accusing the ruling party of getting into a clandestine agreement with Amit Shah, he stated, “Just to make sure that Rajiv Kumar did not go to jail, TMC struck a deal with Amit Shah of 20 seats (2019 Lok Sabha). Those days are gone.” He paused and said, “In Bengali, there is an adage – bishey bishey bishok hoye (poison cuts poison).”
Salim claimed, “We know Bengal and the heartbeats of its people. The culture here is not that of RSS. Bengal belongs to Khudiram, it can’t be of Nathuram.”
Earlier, speaking at a seminar—Minorities of Bengal at Crossroads, Salim spoke at length on the issue.
Stressing on the fact the world of 2019 (Pre-corona) and 2021 (post-corona) is not the same,he mentioned that today the even the Prime Minister with having the 56’ inch chest could not claim that he can control entire country.
सुनिए ईन्यूज़रूम के सवाल और मोहम्मद सलीम के जवाब:
Commenting on the recent WhatsApp leak of Arnab Goswami, he said, “You can see for yourself how media before running any news talks to the government and get guided from there.”
While answering the question concerning a recent comment of CPIML general secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya, where he had asked the Left parties to consider BJP as the main enemy and not TMC.
“Dipankar himself clarified that media has twisted his statement,” said Salim and added, “We are working on a Mahagathbandhan which includes all the left parties, democratic parties, NCP, RJD, Sharad Yadav’s JDU (Secular). All the schedule caste, schedule tribe and minorities parties and those parties who do not want to be with RSS-BJP or TMC. With all them together, we we are making a rock solid coalition.”
He added, “Leaving aside, RSS affiliated organizations, we will fight together. RSS has two affiliated organizations —one named BJP and other is TMC.
Talking about coalitions he mentioned how BJP now has only Apna Dalas its ally. “When TMC came to power it has the support of 22 parties. Today, they are alone, even their own people are leaving them. On the contrary we have grown. When we were in power, we had 9 parties, now we have 16 parties with us.
While saying, TMC is melting away like ice-cream in this winter and will vanish in summer, he added, “Whatever you are seeing, every week (like tele-serials), in installments, they (BJP) are taking away TMC people, soon they will have all Trinamool people.”
Earlier, speaking at the seminar—Minorities of Bengal at Crossroads, organized by Justice K.M. Yusuf Memorial Trust, Salim expressed happiness about Muslims being at the crossroad, for it means there are many roads open for the minorities.
“For me it is a matter of happiness. As being at a crossroad, means that there are several roads open for the minorities. Earlier, the situations were created in such a way that the minorities had to blindly follow a path. Now, you have a democratic choice to choose.”
Speaking on the plan of Assaduddin Owaisi’s party, AIMIM fighting Bengal assembly polls, Salim declared, “Any political party can fight from anywhere. And we should not put it into insider and outsider frame. ”
“Do not get trapped into RSS’s narrative. BJP-RSS is putting you inside gethoes, you do not have to get gethoised. They have the narrative of Hindu-Hindi-Hindustan, which means only one religion, one culture can be in India and rest are outsiders. That is what culture nationalism is all about. But we believe in composite culture for India, when our Constitution was framed in 1950, it was not made on the basis of our culture but on the need for justice and equality.”
He pointed out, “Netaji (Subhash Chandra Bose) knows this, so he said to make a slogan which does not have a religious touch then Jai Hind came into existence.”
The seminar which brainstormed one of the most relevant issues of Bengal election, participated by several prominent names of Bengal and outside including Ex- Minister Dr Abdus Sattar, senior journalist MW Haque, academician Dr Sk Abdul Matin, agricultural scientist Dr MA Hassan, social activist Uzma Naheed and social-medical activist Dr Fuad Halim.
The veteran politician summed up his speech at the seminar by saying: “Do not see the different posters and banners to decide, whom to vote, but look at your children and think, who will provide then employment and how the women of your family will be secure?”





