The names of more than five lakh voters have been deleted from the final electoral roll of West Bengal, yet the reason behind these deletions remains unclear. Even the assembly-wise ‘Statutory Report’ published on the Election Commission of India’s website does not mention why these names were removed.
All of these voters were included in the draft electoral roll published on December 16, 2025. However, many of them reportedly did not receive any ‘hearing notice’ or ‘speaking order’, yet their names were deleted in the final electoral roll published on February 28, 2026.
In addition to this, the names of around 60 lakh voters have been placed in the ‘Under Adjudication’ list. Their documents are currently being examined in accordance with the orders of the Supreme Court of India. However, the Election Commission has not released any official information on how long this verification process will take or how many cases are being disposed of every day.
The supplementary electoral roll is yet to be published, which further deepens the uncertainty surrounding the process.
With the current West Bengal Assembly’s term ending on May 7, the timeline for the upcoming assembly elections is narrowing rapidly. Only about two months remain to complete the election process and announce the results.
The President’s Rule Shadow: Uncertainty Looms Over the 2026 Polls
In such a situation, questions are also being raised in political circles about whether President’s Rule could be imposed in the state if the electoral process faces delays or complications.
This raises an important question: Are the voters whose names are being removed from the electoral roll really infiltrators? Are they Bangladeshi Muslims or Rohingyas, as some narratives suggest?
What does the evidence say? What does history tell us?
In undivided Bengal, Muslims constituted roughly 55 per cent of the population, making them the religious majority. Just as millions of Hindu Bengalis migrated from East Bengal to West Bengal, millions of Muslim Bengalis also migrated from West Bengal to East Bengal during the upheavals surrounding Partition.
Subsequent communal riots after 1947, as well as the Liberation War of 1971 in East Bengal (now Bangladesh), further intensified these population movements. A large number of Hindu Bengalis migrated to West Bengal, particularly from East Bengal.
Another demographic factor often ignored is the difference in fertility rates. The fertility rate among Hindu Bengalis has generally been lower than that of Muslim Bengalis, which has contributed to the gradual increase in the proportion of Muslim Bengalis in West Bengal over time.
Ignoring these historical and social realities, a narrative is often propagated in sections of the media that West Bengal is full of ‘Bangladeshi Muslims’ or ‘Rohingya infiltrators’. However, no concrete evidence has been produced to substantiate this politically charged claim.
Sons of the Soil or Outsiders? Unpacking the Conversion History of Bengal
Before the 11th century, communities identifying themselves as Muslims were not significantly present in Bengal. This naturally raises the question: Where did the large Muslim population of Bengal come from?
Several eminent scholars—including Herbert Risley, W.W. Hunter, Dinesh Chandra Sen, Hara Prasad Shastri, and Nihar Ranjan Ray—have studied this subject in depth.
Their research suggests that most Bengali Muslims emerged from local communities, including lower-class cultivators, cottage artisans, Antyaj communities, lower-caste Hindus, and Buddhist Sahajiyas. In other words, the majority of Muslims in Bengal are descendants of local converts rather than migrants.
Only a very small number of Muslims from Central Asia or other regions established blood ties or family connections in Bengal. Some degree of intermarriage may have occurred over time, but it was limited.
Historians broadly identify four major reasons for the large-scale conversion to Islam in Bengal:
- Commercial and trade-related interactions
- Migration of Muslim rulers and administrators to Bengal
- The humanistic and egalitarian teachings of Sufi saints
- Conversion by indigenous Bengalis seeking relief from the rigid Brahmanical caste system
It is important to note that after 1757, when Bengal and India came under British colonial rule, no significant influx of foreign Muslims occurred in Bengal.
This raises a simple but important question: If no large-scale foreign migration took place, how did the Muslim population grow so significantly?
According to scholars, the answer is straightforward: the vast majority of rural Muslims in Bengal are sons of the soil.
Syncretic Traditions: JASIM UDDIN and the Shared Heritage of Bengal
Rai Bahadur Acharya Dinesh Chandra Sen, in his book Prachin Bangala Sahitye Musolmaner Abadan, wrote:
“The Muslims understood that the Nath-Panthis and the Sahajiyas were the masses of Bengal. There are lakhs of them in the country. They are remnants of the defeated Buddhist power… The social liberality and equality of Islam particularly attracted them.”
He further noted that many people who had been socially marginalised within the orthodox Hindu hierarchy found dignity and acceptance in Islam, which encouraged them to embrace the new faith.
Yet even after conversion, many did not abandon their earlier cultural practices entirely. Instead, a syncretic social culture evolved, blending elements of older traditions with Islamic beliefs.
Sufi saints played a key role in this transformation. Their inclusive approach and emphasis on spiritual equality resonated deeply with marginalised communities in Bengal.
Cultural Continuities in Bengali Muslim Society
Historian Dr Nasir Ali, in his book Banglai Jatir Itihas, also examined the social roots of Bengali Muslims.
During the early British period, communities such as peasants, weavers, barbers, fishermen, boatmen, and hunters who had converted to Islam continued to live in their ancestral villages and practise their traditional occupations.
Many retained their earlier surnames or social titles, such as Mandal, Gayen, Bayen, Naskar, Mallik, and Midya.
A fascinating example comes from the autobiography Jiban Katha by the celebrated poet Jasim Uddin. In his account, a village Dhuli (drummer) named Yadav, who was a Muslim, earned his livelihood by playing the dhak. Despite being Muslim, he would play the drum during Hindu cremation rituals in the month of Chaitra.
Dr Ali also wrote that Jasim Uddin’s great-grandfather was named Aradhan. During that time, Muslim women often wore vermilion, and Jasim Uddin’s mother also followed this practice. His father reportedly wore a dhoti along with a prayer cap.
Historical records from the Titumir rebellion also reveal interesting naming patterns. Some captured rebels—though Muslims—had names that modern society might assume to be Hindu. Examples include Nyaypal Mandal, Banamali Mandal, Gopal Prakash Golab, Deokar Pathak, Madab Karigar, and Gopal Sen.
Similarly, Annadashankar Roy, the noted ICS officer and writer, once mentioned encountering a Muslim bride named Haridasi.
These examples illustrate how deeply intertwined religious and cultural identities were in Bengal’s social history.
Judicial Officers vs. BLOs: The Battle Over West Bengal’s Voter List
The Election Commission of India is a constitutional body headquartered in New Delhi, with regional offices across the country, including one in Kolkata.
However, the preparation of electoral rolls largely depends on state government employees temporarily assigned to election duties, including positions such as District Election Officers (DEO), Electoral Registration Officers (ERO), micro-observers, and Booth Level Officers (BLO).
In many cases, these officials receive limited training for this specialised task, and sometimes only brief orientation programmes are conducted.
Moreover, the financial compensation for such duties is often modest, which reduces the incentive for many officials to engage deeply with the complex work of electoral roll preparation.
This year, a massive amount of work was completed in an extremely short period of time. There were also reports of server failures and portal glitches, as the process relies heavily on artificial intelligence-driven digital systems.
Under such circumstances, errors are almost inevitable.
Democracy at Risk: The Call for an Impartial Inquiry
Therefore, the Election Commission—or even relevant intelligence agencies—should conduct a thorough investigation into these irregularities.
Senior officials of the Election Commission should visit villages where multiple individuals under the age of 70 have been placed under adjudication and submit an independent report to the Supreme Court.
It must be examined impartially whether these 60 lakh ‘indigenous Indian Bengalis’ are truly infiltrators or whether they are legitimate citizens who have been wrongly flagged.
In many cases, strange anomalies have been observed: a father’s name appears under adjudication while the son’s name appears in the final electoral roll, or vice versa. Such inconsistencies hardly indicate organised infiltration.
The Election Commission should also consult civil society organisations to ensure transparency and fairness in the process.
Even the President of India Draupadi Murmu, who have visited West Bengal, could have taken the opportunity to visit villages where hundreds of voters have been placed under adjudication and interact with the residents directly.
Most of these 60 lakh voters appear to be indigenous citizens.
The ongoing political controversy surrounding this year’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) risks harassing genuine voters, including the very officials responsible for preparing the electoral rolls. At the same time, it may hamper the broader democratic and developmental progress of both the state and the country.
