Bangladesh on the Brink: The Struggle Between Democracy, History, and Rising Religious Nationalism

After returning from Dhaka: There was complete chaos outside the airport when I landed in Dhaka. The main highway did not have enough policemen. The friend who came to pick me up said that Dhaka’s traffic was being managed by locals and student volunteers. The air was thick and extremely polluted, similar to Delhi in the post-Diwali days. My friend took me to where I was staying and in between I saw walls painted, with Sheikh Hasina’s portraits torn and painted with black or with a cross mark over it.  He showed me the ‘Gana Bhavan’, the official residence of the Prime Minister, which looked terrible and abandoned. A place which was the Centre of power in Dhaka has become its most unwanted place.

The State of Bangladesh’s Historic Monuments: A Betrayal of History

The next day, I decided to take a window tour of Dhaka and my friend took me to the Dhaka University Campus. I went to several departments but the crowd of students was swelling every moment, perhaps for the new admissions in several colleges. I wanted to see two historically important places in Dhaka. One was the Shaheed Minar, established to honour the martyrs of the Bengali Language Movement in 1952. Seven protesters were martyred and over 300 were injured in these movements which resulted in widespread anger against the domination of West Pakistan and Urdu language. This space was one of the most revered places in Bangladesh but today it looks completely abandoned, unwanted and ignored. Sadly, there was no information or notice near the memorial and layers of thick dust over the structure. It was a sad part though many youngsters were still coming and taking photographs there. The only visible change was an attempt to ‘rewrite’ Bangla history. Something was written in Arabic on the monument which reflected the times we were in at the moment. A monument that emerged purely on the Bangla language movement today feels betrayed at being ignored.

Bangla Language Movement: A Shift in Identity and Politics

A friend later explained to me that this is the supreme irony that the movement which started against the hegemony of the Urdu language today is witnessing the reversal. For the common discourse in Bangladesh, it was the Bangla language and most of the people were unfamiliar with Urdu or Arabic terms but today these terms are increasingly being used by a set of people to get more ‘connected’ to their Islamic identity, and Jamat-e-Islami kind of organisations are actively engaged in the ground and radicalizing the people and bringing the Arabic terms in the common parlance. When I asked my friend to talk to the auto driver about how his reaction to the Sheikh Hasina government, he responded, ‘Where was the need to promote ‘Joy Bangla’ and not encourage Islam? She did not encourage people to go to the mosque though he was upset with Jamaat-e-Islami for supporting Mohammad Yunus.

In the Dhaka University Campus, there is another historic building related to the Bangla Language Movement. This building is known as Curzon Hall, where the then Governor General of Pakistan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah addressed the gathering on March 19th, 1948. Addressing the gathering of students and intellectuals, Jinnah said,

‘There can, however, be one lingua franca, that is, the language for inter-communication between the various provinces of the state, and that language should be Urdu and cannot be any other. The state language, therefore, must be Urdu. Make no mistake about it. There can be only one state language, if the parts of this state are to march forward in unison and that language, in my opinion, can only be Urdu. At this point, loud protests of “No, no!” were heard in the hall. Jinnah, unaccustomed to people defying him, stayed silent for a few moments before resuming his speech. Pakistan’s leader spotted conspiracies to undo Pakistan. He went on to warn the students: beware of the fifth columnists among yourselves . . . guard against and weed out selfish people who only wish to exploit you so that they may swim . . . consolidate the Muslim League party which will serve and build up a really and truly great and glorious Pakistan. It was not Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s finest hour’.

From Language to Liberation: The Struggle for Bengali Identity

East Pakistan was far bigger in comparison to West Pakistan in terms of size and population but West Pakistan was politically powerful though numerically a minority and the democratic process made Awami League a hugely successful party to lead Pakistan. The elite Punjabi leadership of the military was not ready to share an inch with the politically powerful leadership from Eastern Pakistan. The reason for the military takeover in Pakistan since the beginning was the internal tug of war between the two ethnic nationalities of Muslims, the Bangla-speaking majority versus the Punjabi Urdu-speaking minority. The powerful military leadership of Western Pakistan never allowed the democratically elected representatives of East Pakistan and Awami League to lead the entire Pakistan since they were the biggest party that emerged after the general elections held on December 7th, 1970. These were the first general elections since the independence of Pakistan carried out for a total of 300 constituencies. Awami League won a total of 160 seats while Pakistan People’s Party won merely 80 seats. The leadership in Pakistan refused to accept the verdict and allowed the Awami League to form the government. This resulted in mass unrest in the entire Eastern Pakistan resulting in the massive military intervention by Pakistan and finally the rise of Bangladesh as an independent nation on March 26th, 1971. Today’s generation must understand the realities of those times and not look at the entire issue with a conspiracy theory. Jinnah’s inability to accept the two-language formula or imposition of the Urdu language on an unwanted Bengali people was a grave mistake but the bigger issue which that Pakistan’s elite leadership was never ready to work together as equal partners with East Bengal. So, from 1947 till 1971, East Pakistan or Bangla people faced the tyranny of the Pakistani elite and its imposition of law without allowing the democratic procedure and accepting the people’s mandate.

Unfortunately, that historic building where Jinnah spoke does not mention anything and is converted into the Department of Physics under Dhaka University. The campus has the remnants of the past glory but unfortunately, there was not much visible to preserve it as a historic monument. The college was closed and there was no way to even peep into the auditorium where Jinnah spoke.

Anyway, it is important to understand the historic Language Movement in East Pakistan at that time, which ultimately paved the way for a bigger national movement against the occupation and oppression of the Bengali people there. One just needs to look at the events that led to huge protests and rebellions in East Pakistan, to understand how majoritarianism crept into Pakistan’s elite class. Pakistan came into being with a religious identity which has a strong connection with the Urdu language too though in today’s Pakistan, it is languishing in comparison to the politically powerful Punjabi language.

On December 6th, 1947, in the first meeting of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly, the new members needed to take oath in either Urdu or English language. This was opposed by the members from East Bengal and Dhirendranath Dutta said that Bengali too should be included in the list as it was the largest speaking group in Pakistan. After the death of Liaqat Ali Khan, the new prime minister Khawaja Nizamuiddin too opposed the demand for another state language. Jinnah too had passed away in 1948 but the language movement was growing. On January 27th, 1952, the then Prime Minister Khwaja Nizamuddin visited Dhaka amidst huge protests. The protest reached an ultimate in February 1952 when the government tried to suppress it by all means and imposed Section 144 everywhere but the common people protested and came out. Many people were killed and many more injured in the police firing and hence this memorial is a true tribute to the Bangladesh Nationalist Movement.

Bangladesh’s history and culture are a great healer and truly liberal in a real sense. Unlike Pakistan, where the state felt proud of shedding its ancient heritage and adopting new names and identities for many things which had nothing in common with the local people, Bangladesh feels proud of its ancient heritage. The names of the places and towns remained mostly unchanged in Bangladesh so far. Bangladesh has consistently felt proud of the ‘Bangla’ identity, particularly its language but it is under threat now. Most of the global south ‘democracies’ are legitimate of the dictatorial regimes under the garb of democracy.

The Dangers of Majoritarianism: A Warning for Bangladesh and India

Identity, divisions, corruption, and compromised institutions, all work together to bring dictators to power in the name of ‘democracy’. The leaders remained in power for long resulting in a common hatred for not only the immediate beneficiaries but also their ancestors who used to be worshipped once. Many times, other forces who are isolated in national politics for their narrow agenda, too, jumped onto the bandwagon of popular resentment against a regime that is considered oppressive and autocratic. The legitimacy of religious rights through popular protest movements can become dangerous and therefore the mainstream political parties who feel proud of the plural or multicultural heritage of their country must remain vigilant and guarded. India saw that during the emergency when Jayaprakash Naraian’s movement against the oppressive and dictatorial rule of Indira Gandhi resulted in the mainstreamification of the RSS and Jansangh. Before that they rarely got an opportunity in the mainstream political forces in India but Anna Hazare’s movement in Delhi against ‘corruption’ in 2011 came on a ‘nonpolitical’ platform which damaged the ruling Congress party more than anything could have done. Actually, non-political or so-called Civil Society Revolutions started taking place in various countries including Egypt, Algeria and elsewhere. Most of these ‘revolutions’ were celebrated heavily on the ‘Western liberal media’ which always presented the ‘other’ countries as if they were brutal and barbaric. Anna’s ‘revolution’ was nothing but a counter-revolution against the growing demand for a share in power by the marginalized. Anna completely discredited Congress but the gain from the movement was not for any new party or democratic structure but more feudal, communal and thoroughly capitalist political forces in India led by the Hindutva elite. Coincidently, in Bangladesh, a regime change happened not politically but non politically but it got legitimacy as the regime headed by Sheikh Hasina was thoroughly discredited. All the global south democracies are imposed through a ‘Western legal system’ on people who have not accepted ‘individual’ and ‘privacy’ as ‘private matters’ and where ‘majoritarianism’ means no space for dissent and diversity. All these ‘democracies’ today are suffering because the ‘minorities’ have been ‘turned’ as the biggest obstacle to their ‘progress’. All our democracies suffer because we have no space for ‘multiculturalism’. The idea of a multicultural democracy is being deliberately failed to bring majoritarianism to right-wing capitalist leaders.

In India, the BJP reflected that idea of capitalism which comes through hardcore nationalism and in Bangladesh, a new nationalism is being defined by the Jamaat-e-Islami kind of forces which are active on the ground though on the ‘floor’ It looks how the fight was against the ‘corrupt’ Hasina government but the fact is Jamat might have merely a limited percentage of vote but the idea of Jamat is beginning to dictate the politics in Bangladesh.

Counter-Revolution and the Denigration of National Icons in Bangladesh

This new right-wing ‘nationalism’ is challenging the old multicultural nationalism through various means. The first casualty is the denigration of the nationalist icons and heroes of the ‘freedom movement’ or ‘liberation movement’. We have seen in India, the continuous assault on our structure and leaders such as Jawahar Lal Nehru. Bangladesh’s right wing targets Sheikh Mujeebur Rehman, a hero of the Bangla Liberation Movement. Interestingly, Sheikh Mujeeb’s status as the father of the nation in Bangladesh was challenged when Begum Khalida Zia was in power who felt it was General Ziaurrehman, who was the real father of the Bangla nation but after Sheikh Hasina came to power, she targeted Jamaat-e-Islami and all other forces, not politically but authoritarian means. Right-wing nationalism always thrives on the gaps and mistakes of the liberal democratic forces. Look at the United States. An autocratic leader like Donald Trump came to power under the pretext of bringing world peace and with the promises of ‘make America Great again’. Mohammad Yunus was brought to Bangladesh with the sole purpose of giving it the legitimacy of acceptance by the ‘Western World’ and allowing enough resources. Liberals in Bangladesh might suggest that the ‘revolution’ was ‘spontaneous’ and ‘secular’ but the facts are clear. If the Americans had not approved, it would not have happened. Any Islamic revolution would not find support in the Western world. Bangladesh’s economy is export-oriented and in the last 20 years, the country has liberalized a lot. A huge number of NGOs are there. Micro Credit is the buzzword even when research papers in the past have suggested how brutal, exploitative and extortionary is the entire system unleashed by Mohammad Yunus but the romantics in the Western World feel that it has ‘removed’ poverty and Bangladesh has become a powerful economy. Tragically, a majority of people drink bottled water and use tissue paper in restaurants and hotels even when the air quality and food quality remain compromised a lot. The water transport system is far superior but road transport, railways and air services have miles to go before they could be said to be comfortable and people friendly. There is no doubt that there was a popular resentment against Sheikh Hasina but it is also a fact that Americans and the Western world have always manipulated public opinion and narrative to suit the illegitimate acts of ‘people’ wherever and whenever it is difficult to defeat a leader politically. The American administration under Donald Trump is claiming that the regime change in Bangladesh was done at the behest of USAID and other foundations by Clinton and Obama.

A couple of days back we saw a crowd of unruly mobs burn the historical building where Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibburrahman used to live. The museum was already put to ashes during the so-called revolution. There were no efforts to stop the criminals from doing so. The government has already, through various notifications and Gazetteers, given amnesty to those involved in violent acts during the anti-Sheikh Hasina government movements. During my trip to Bangladesh, I travelled to various places and saw beautiful artwork, and paintings of students on the walls, and streets. They put their heart into it and the vision seen in that was that of a cohesive Bangladesh which respects freedom and allows each citizen to flourish. At the same point in time, I saw portraits of the blackened faces of Sheikh Mujeebur Rehman at various places. It may be true that Sheikh Hasina was authoritarian but does that give people the right to demolish the memory of a freedom movement? How great is it to denigrate the leader of the Liberation Movement? Does it solve the purpose or does it reflect that Bangladesh is passing through the same counter-revolution which believes in deleting ‘history’ or considers that part of history which involved all communities and people as against the Islamic Forces? So essentially, nothing wrong in protesting against an authoritarian government but when you denigrate the leaders of your freedom movement then it makes it look as if a counter-revolution is happening that hates the philosophy of that movement which was the hallmark of the Bangla identity and truly revolutionary against an authoritarian Pakistani regime which refused to accept people’s mandate and wanted to impose one nation one language one idea philosophy on the people of East Pakistan. It was resisted and people ultimately defeated the brutal and repressive Pakistani government. An ideal thing in the movement could have been, to ‘liberate’ Sheikh Mujeeb from Sheikh Haseena and embrace his inclusive idealism that shaped Bangladesh’s national identity.

The Irony of Revolution: Denying the Legacy of Liberation in Bangladesh

It is a supreme irony that in almost all the global southern countries, most of the heroes of anti-colonial movements turned dictators once they became leaders of their own countries. It is also a fact that most of these ‘dictators’ were patronized by the Western world and could face their wrath only when their interests clashed. Now, direct military interventions were proving to be a bad ‘advertisement’ for the Western ‘democratic models’, hence ‘spontaneous’ protests and mobilisations through ‘social media’ narratives led to ‘people’s ‘revolution’. Unfortunately, all this is happening due to fragile institutional mechanisms that protect our democracies. All these institutions have become subservient to ‘messianic’ leaders of our nations and have polarized even the bureaucrats on ethnic, communities’ lines. So, a revolution or deemed revolution is again bound to fail if those in power try to remain there and find a pretext to stop the democratic decentralization or devolution of power.

Bangladesh’s ‘Democracy’ and the Struggle for Multicultural Identity

Bangladesh has still not handled the issue of the Adivasis and Dalits. The Rohingyas have been settled in the Tribal regions despite protests and disapproval by the indigenous communities. In the north of the country, the relationship between the majority of Muslims and Hindus remains tense in the aftermath of the ‘revolution’. Every Hindu today is a suspect because it is ‘assumed’ that all of them supported the Awami League and Sheikh Hasina. A majority of the commoners that I spoke with during my journey felt sympathies with Sheikh Hasina and they were not Hindus but Muslims. A Hindu  young worker in the northern region of Dinajpur said that the pressure has increased on them and local mafias call community leaders and threaten them to leave their houses. A number of the Hindus have left their homes and migrated to India, he said. Only those who are well-connected politically are now safe. Of course, it is also true that over all the animosity or tensions are never reflected on the ground.

Shared Cultural Heritage and the Future of Bangladesh

At Dinajpur, I was taken to a wedding by my friend Shah Mohammad Jinnah. This marriage was in his relations and it was a reception. The bride wore a beautiful Saree with her husband and several women in the gathering were wearing Saree. Jinnah said that a large number of people are Hindus, particularly Marwaris. I asked, do they eat the food here? Jinnah told me that they had decided that since this gathering would have several people from non-Muslim backgrounds hence they only serve chicken or goat Briyani. It was nice to see people greeting the bride and groom in a very similar fashion as happens in our part of the world.

Well, this is a reality even today in Bangladesh but people will resist if attempts are made to change these kinds of things which are our common cultural heritage. Bangladesh has a glorious past. It has numerous historical places, Buddhist ruins and Hindu temples. There will be forces who would be happy to put it under a theocratic idea which has been alien to it. India needs to be careful about it. India should not be seen as siding with political parties. Yes, anything that happens in our neighbourhood will always be important for us but at the same point in time, we need to respect people’s mandate. I Hope Bangladesh will have a people’s government through free and fair polls and will give opportunity to all to get involved in the nation-building process. Meanwhile, India and South Asia would do well to connect through people-to-people dialogue at the cultural level. Our destiny is to live and enjoy our shared cultural history. Let us not allow forces who want to divide us and reap rich harvests by creating hatred against one another. Let us learn from history. Don’t denigrate your icons of history. They may all have issues and are in the past. Learn from their mistakes and move ahead. A sectarian and narrow communal idea will never take us forward and will be detrimental to our national good.